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Part I |
Part II |
Part III |
RAGSDALE RESPONDS
(sort of)
We offered Mayor Mike Ragsdale an opportunity to comment.
His spokesperson Dwight Van de Vate said: "This is a sad
situation involving a deeply troubled young man; all we can
do is wish him the very best as he tries to put his life
together."
Mike Ragsdale:
Ambitious mayor starts second term
Next Monday, Knox County Commission will vote on two contentious
issues: Zoning for a $30 million tax-funded business park at Midway
Road and Mike Ragsdale’s plan to trim costs at Hardin Valley High
School by building for 1,300 rather than 2,100 students.
Angry residents will pack the City County Building, lack of convenient
parking notwithstanding. Once again, commissioners will face politically
distasteful choices. Four years ago, Team Ragsdale would have prevailed.
Today, that's not certain.
How did the Ragsdale Administration consolidate, then squander,
political power? Stay with us for the next three weeks. Staff writer
Betty Bean says it started with a young man named Tyler Harber.
...
'Missing me now'
By Betty Bean
The day after the Aug. 3 county general election, an e-mail titled
"Ragsdale missing me now" appeared in various local in-boxes
and on Web sites. It listed the defeats suffered by candidates supported
by county Mayor Mike Ragsdale and contrasted this string of losses
with wins rung up when 24-year-old political operative Tyler Harber
worked for Ragsdale.
Soon, message boards and courthouse hallways were buzzing with conversation
about Harber, who disappeared from the scene 17 months ago under
a cloud of scandal that included a police chase, a missing computer
and allegations of computer hacking - none of which produced any
charges against him.
Nobody knew the real identity of the e-mail's author (it came from
something called "tylerharber.com"), but the buzz about
the 1999 Farragut High School graduate proved that he is still on
the minds of people who think about local politics, probably because
his activities were shrouded in mystery and never really explained.
The Shopper-News conducted a series of interviews after Harber left
Knoxville and will examine some of the issues over the next two
weeks.
Harber is a native Knox Countian who grew up in Claiborne County
where his parents - whose names he doesn't wish to appear in this
story - were involved in the coal mining business.
Why the secrecy?
"I just think it's nobody's business," he said.
Harber went to UT, majored in political science and cut his electioneering
teeth by volunteering in the 2000 Bush/Cheney campaign's Knox County
office. Like so many other aspiring political operatives, he is
a devotee of "The Art of War," a ruthless "how-to"
book written by an ancient Chinese general, Sun Tzu.
"I have multiple copies," Harber said. "There are
different translations by different professors who''ve studied him."
He's not much on Machiavelli, whom he says is "directed more
to the leader than the strategist."
Other influences include the late GOP politico Lee Atwater, whom
he calls "a defining character in the world of modern-day political
operatives - 'do anything you need to do, attack on all fronts,
take no prisoners. …' "
He quotes Napoleon, Gen. George Patton, Alexander the Great, Lord
Nelson, even Democrat James Carville.
“I've studied military history - if I weren’t so short and
fat, I probably would've gone to military school … so I figure I
did the next best thing."
He made some valuable connections while volunteering in the Bush
campaign and landed a job working on Archie Ellis's 2001 City Council
race. Ellis lost in the primary, and Harber's next client, Joe Bailey,
lost in the general election. But in the process, Harber met and
worked for Joe May, a former state legislator and county commissioner
who is now Knox County’s lobbyist in Nashville.
Mayor Mike
Soon thereafter, Harber met another former county commissioner,
Mike Ragsdale, who was building toward a run for county executive
in 2002.
Ragsdale, a native of Cleveland, had come to Knoxville to attend
the University of Tennessee. As a first generation college graduate,
he received the university's Torchbearer Award.
Ragsdale obtained a master's degree from Auburn University and then
returned to UT to complete his doctorate in education.
He was director of admissions for what is now Pellissippi State
Technical Community College for a time, and in 1987, he moved to
Barber & McMurry, a well-established Knoxville architecture
and planning firm. He worked as a partner and vice president of
the firm for 16 years.
Ragsdale served on County Commission from 1990-98. And he wanted
the county's top job. Before long, Harber was working in Mike Ragsdale's
campaign.
Another Joe May employee, Rebecca Hargroves Smith, managed the day-to-day
details of the Ragsdale campaign while Harber picked up checks,
put together a Web site, advanced events and did voter targeting.
He said his primary responsibility, however, was to get involved
with a slate of Ragsdale-approved candidates - specifically "to
run everyone else's races. All the candidates they wanted to run
to take over Commission and/or the school board - that was my main
job. I probably had my hands in 12 to 14 campaigns, most of which
were Ragsdale-oriented. …"
After losing the Ellis and Bailey races, Harber said winning the
Ragsdale race (and several other races as well) "… gave me
two things: first, credibility; second, a power base. I wanted to
establish myself as a good electioneer."
Eyes on the prize
Harber said he got his marching orders the day Ragsdale was sworn
in:
"He took me to his office and told me, 'The first day I was
elected to Commission, I started working on being elected county
executive. Now, the first day I am county executive, I'm going to
work on being governor. I want you to help me be governor.' "
Harber said he was a little overwhelmed.
"Now that’s a tall order," Harber said. "I was 19
years old. I didn't know exactly how, but I knew I could help him."
Harber went on the county payroll as an employee of Information
Technology Services, headed by Dick Moran.
"But, most of my time, I spent with Mike," he said. "I
would pick the man up from his house. I would be with him all day
long, and I would drop him off at the end of the day. I was his
body man. We would talk politics, policy and everything else in
between. It sort of ‘married’ me to him."
Harber was still in school at this point and said he "was spending
a whole lot of nights and days awake.
"So at this time, I have a desk in IT, and I’m working on things
like the 'Read with Me' program and board appointments. During the
first few months, I was also doing campaign work for (GOP U.S. Senate
candidate) Lamar Alexander."
Life was good.
"We controlled County Commission. We controlled the school
board - although we could never get rid of (Superintendent Dr. Charles)
Lindsey. We were getting along with everybody because we were extremely
victorious. We could throw some business to people who helped us,
and we did, because the mayor's budget was enormous, full of money
we could spend in 'PR' ways."
After awhile, Harber changed jobs - "I needed to be somewhere
there weren't quite so many eyes," he said. "So I moved
over to Probation and Pretrial when we hired Todd Cook to head it.
It was like this - 'I'm sending Tyler over there.'
"Actually, I only had one boss; I guess two - (Mike) Arms and
Ragsdale. I really didn’t work for Dick Moran, or Todd Cook, although
I respect them both very much. …
"After I moved over to probation, the cover story was that
I'm there to make sure the electronic monitoring (ankle bracelets)
were working. That was my cover story. I had zero caseload and never
saw a single probationer. I had no obligation or task relative to
IT or Pretrial Release and Probation, although I did help Todd and
Dick with some things, when they asked.
"I even learned how to put on and operate an electronic tracking
device in case a journalist ever asked me to do so (they never did).
When there'd be a TV story about electronic tracking, I made sure
I was there. … Eventually, I was moved to an office on the 6th floor
of the Andrew Johnson with Community TV, where there were not so
many eyes."
Taxing wheels
It was good to be Mike Ragsdale in the spring of 2004. Midway through
his first term as county mayor, things were going his way. He had
pretty much brought County Commission to heel and was getting most
of what he wanted, including a $6 license tag renewal fee that had
passed unanimously the previous year.
Perhaps emboldened by the docile reaction to the $6 fee hike, Ragsdale
proposed an additional $30 wheel tax. Once again, the commissioners
gave him what he wanted, but this time with a little opposition
- it passed 16-3. Rumors swirled that Ragsdale swore to take revenge
on Mark Cawood, Paul Pinkston and Mike McMillan, the three commissioners
who voted against the tax.
"The wheel tax? I just could not support it," said Cawood.
"I had the 113-4 rule - 113 calls against it and four for it;
and the four who called in favor of the wheel tax were basically
just feeding at the trough. I was elected to represent the people
of my district, not the Ragsdale administration - that’s my job.
I'd heard rumors that he would have someone against me, and I didn't
know if the rumors were true or not, but you have to assume they
are because they came from a couple of good sources."
One of Cawood's constituents, Greg "Lumpy" Lambert, showed
up the day of the final wheel tax vote wearing a giant screw through
his body.
Come Sept. 1, the Powell used car dealer will be known as commissioner
Lumpy Lambert and will join Cawood in representing District 6. Considering
that Cawood fended off a general election challenge from county
employee Chuck James, a Ragsdale-backed candidate who had supported
the wheel tax, and Lambert beat Ragsdale-blessed opponents in both
the primary and the general elections, these two seatmates probably
won't be harboring any warm fuzzy feelings toward Mayor Mike.
But that's getting ahead of the story.
Fighting the referendum
Also present the day of the wheel tax vote was east Knox Countian
Gary Sellers, a slow-talking, deliberate man who urged the commissioners
not to approve the tax and threatened to mount a petition drive
to force a referendum if they did. Afterward, Sellers proved to
be good as his word. He and his wife, Sheila, spent a long, hot
summer sitting in shopping center parking lots collecting signatures.
Lambert signed on to the effort, and so did a few others. A bona-fide
grassroots citizen movement was born.
Ragsdale had used a proposed new downtown library as the "carrot"
to pass the wheel tax. He later dropped the library in favor of
a new high school in deep west Knox County. But as it became clear
that opposition to the wheel tax was growing, Team Ragsdale came
up with a "stick" that was soon dubbed the "blackmail
tax." This proposal required a Commission vote to impose a
"contingency" property tax increase if the wheel tax was
voted down in November - made it 'either/or" instead of a straight-up
vote on a wheel tax.
Tyler Harber calls the wheel tax episode "a fiasco" and
says forcing the "contingency" tax vote was a huge mistake.
"When we started pushing our allies to vote for the property
tax, we put them in jeopardy, and that is something you never want
to do. Everything was going good up until then, but we got a whole
lot more paranoid and a whole lot more power hungry, and got involved
in a whole lot of things we shouldn't have gotten involved in,"
Harber said. "We raised a lot of money under the table and
behind closed doors for our anti-wheel tax referendum campaigns.
"No one is pro-tax. That's where this anti-Ragsdale sentiment
came from. It's the way we forced the issue that caused the opposition.
"I prepared an opposition report and the idea was floated that
we put some 'plants' into the referendum organization to get information
as to how many signatures they were getting. Our information was
dead-on."
This assessment was validated by none other than Ragsdale's chief
of staff, Mike Arms. In a March 20, 2005, News Sentinel story by
Scott Barker, Arms said, "Lo and behold, when it was all said
and done, (Tyler) was pretty close. He knew how many had signed
it at the Halls Wal-Mart.”
Harber says his 'plants' (whom he would not identify) were able
to make at least 2,000 signatures go away.
"We decided to subvert, steal and destroy as many petitions
as we could get our hands on. We were trading real petitions for
fake petitions so they would think they had more names than they
actually had."
Marsha, Marsha, Marsha
Meanwhile, Harber said, the Ragsdale administration "kept thinking
that there had to be somebody behind this. They kept asking 'Why
is (Sellers) doing this? There's got to be somebody behind this.'"
At some point, Harber said, Team Ragsdale decided that "somebody"
was probably Marsha Blackburn, a popular member of Congress from
Williamson County whom they considered a potential rival for the
GOP gubernatorial nomination in 2010.
As a state senator, Blackburn had been closely allied with the anti-income
tax forces in Nashville.
Harber said: "It got back to us that this anti-tax organization
that was helping Sellers and Lumpy was backed heavily by Marsha.
We perceived it as an outside attack. I prepared an opposition report
on the anti-wheel tax organization and its media implications. We
pulled voters' records and compiled a full report on their ages,
marital status, voting records. We investigated Lumpy, Sellers and
several other people including (radio talk show hosts) Lloyd Daugherty
and Kelvin Moxley.
"Ultimately, the reason we weren't more successful was that
this was a guerilla movement and there wasn't a real organization
to it. I took a lot of flack from Ragsdale, but there was no way
short of breaking into the man's house that I could have gotten
inside it."
Just the screw, ma'am
Ben Cunningham, head of Tennessee Tax Revolt, says his group had
only minimal involvement in the Knox County wheel tax fight.
"The (body) screw was ours, and Lumpy was the perfect one to
wear it. We had used it at the Capitol and it's an absolute magnet
for photographers. I had it in the truck and asked Lumpy if he wanted
to wear it. I think that was the only day I came to Knoxville.
"I'd seen in the paper that Gary (Sellers) was thinking about
doing (the referendum), so I called him and asked what we could
do to help. We are a knowledge base and resource for these citizen
groups. I helped him with the statutory wording on the petition,
and that's about the extent of our involvement.
"And Marsha Blackburn has never been involved in our group,
either directly or indirectly. She's never been to a meeting."
Cunningham said the Ragsdale administration is fortunate that the
voters chose the wheel tax over the property tax increase.
"There’s one other thing I remember about this - the property
tax increase they passed was clearly illegal. Dickson County went
to the state attorney general, who issued an opinion that you cannot
set a tax rate after October. ... If it had come to that, it's very
clear to me it would have been ruled illegal and unconstitutional."
Sellers and Lambert both believe some skullduggery went on with
their petition drive. Lambert said petitions left at retail establishments
disappeared. Sellers said the Election Commission’s count was "about
3,000 signatures short of what we thought it should be."
Harbe's assessment is tinged with regret.
"Ragsdale wanted to build something the whole community could
get behind - the downtown library. He wanted to leave a physical
legacy, and he used (Gov. Phil) Bredesen as a model. As mayor of
Nashville, Bredesen built a beautiful library. A crown jewel. Ragsdale
wanted to do the same.
"But we overextended ourselves, and when it was evident that
the wheel tax was going to get onto the ballot, we were left with
only two choices - beat it or let it beat us, in which case we're
damaged, to the extent that we couldn't run for governor. It turns
out this was just as bad."
Next week, Bean explores the Web site caswalker.com and talks with
candidates who felt the fundraising muscle of Team Ragsdale.
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